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Rise of the Clase Media, ; C. Racial Descrimination, ; E. Regular-Secular Conflicts, ; F. La Algarada Cavitena, , The Campaign for Reforms. Bonifacio and the Katipunan. The Revolution: First Phase The Revolution: Second Phase..
The Malolos Republic. The Religious Schism.. The Continuing Resistance The Katipunan Inertia, ; B. The Muslim Struggle, ; C. The Sulu Resistance, , ; D. Cotabato Resistance, , ; E. Literature of Resistance, Compromise with Colonialism. Involvement During the Military Phase, , ; 1.
The Christian Filipino, ; 2. Increase in Filipino Participation, ; C. Limits to Filipinization, ; D. Social Effects of Filipinization, Colonial Politics: Towards Complete Autonomy. Stimson: Cooperation Restored, The Campaign for Independence.. Transition to Independence: The Commonwealth Results of the American Occupation. The Japanese Occupation. Post-War Problems and the Republic. The Hukbalahap Movement.
The Recognition of the Tao. The Continuing Crisis. Profile of the Economy.. External Affairs. The Cultural and Social Scene. Under Martial Law.. The Edsa Revolution.. The land surface is , square statute miles and is criss-crossed with mountains and drained by small river systems. The Caraballo del Sur, which forms the nucleus of the system, has its highest peak at the intersection of the boundaries of Abra, Ilocos Norte, and Cagayan.
This is the longest continuous range in the Philippines. The Tagaytay range passes through Cavite and Batangas and, with Mt.
Makiling, forms the mountain system of the southern Tagalog region. The Mindoro mountain range begins at Mt. Halcon and is divided into three ranges: the northwest ending at Calavite Point, a landmark of ships passing between Manila Bay and Mindoro Strait; the east, which originates from Lake Naujan; and the west, which follows the Mindoro Strait.
Panay has a range running from north to south that separates Antique from Iloilo, Capiz, and Aklan. Mindanao has four distinct ranges: the Surigao range which follows the contours of the Pacific coast; the Butuan range which extends to the south and forms the watershed of the Agusan River on the east and the Pulangui River on the west; the centralwestern ranges of which Mt. Apo is the highest; and the Western range which begins west of Iligan Bay and ends on the shore of Basilan Strait.
River Systems. The fluvial system of Luzon is represented by 1 the Rio Grande de Cagayan and its tributaries, which drain the Cagayan Valley; 2 the Agno Grande which drains Benguet and the valleys of Nueva Ecija, Pangasinan, and Tarlac; 3 the Abra River system, which receives its tributaries from the Cordillera and drains Lepanto, Bontoc, and Abra; and 4 the Rfo Grande de Pampanga and its tributaries, which drain the fertile valleys of Nueva Ecija, Pampanga, and Bulacan.
Mindanao has the largest river system in the Philippines. Agusan, which is second to the Rfo Grande, drains the basin of Surigao. Volcanoes and Earthquakes. At least ten of these volcanoes are considered active; the rest are dormant. Of these volcanoes, Mayon has been the most active. It has erupted more than thirty times since , while Taal Volcano, the smallest in the world and situated in the middle of Taal Lake, has erupted no less than thirty-three times.
Its most destructive eruption took place on January 30, , which killed more than 1, persons. The eruption which took place in early dawn of September 28, buried six barrios and led to the loss of lives. The eruption of July 5 and after, did little damage to life and property. The last eruption took place on September 3, Manila experienced a severe earthquake in when many buildings in the commercial district were partly destroyed.
Pedro Pablo Pelaez. Millions of pesos and hundreds of lives were lost in the region around Lake Lanao, Mindanao. This earthquake triggered a tidal wave that rendered 90, persons homeless, 3, dead, and more than 3, missing or presumed to be dead.
In the face of this disaster, President Marcos announced that the Filipinos would stand on their own feet and would not accept any foreign aid, especially aid with strings attached.
All big islands and a host of small islands have natural harbors that can accommodate large ships. In stormy weather, these harbors, located strategically from north to south, have been the refuge of ships in distress. Products and Natural Resources. The still primitive way of agriculture is one of the causes of the failure of the Philippines to produce enough rice for export.
Other products, however, have been raised for export. It is suspected that oil is present in some Philippine sites, but attempts to locate these sites have so far been unsuccessful. The Philippine forests, which cover some 40, square miles, produce timber for local consumption and export. The People.
There is in him a blending of the East and the West, so that his character exhibits curious contradictions which foreigners are apt to misunderstand.
With Spanish colonization, however, there appeared a kind of Filipino who was obviously the result of the not-so-licit relations between the conqueror and the conquered. This light-skinned and high-nosed Filipino multiplied with the coming of the Americans. When one says mestizo, the obvious implication is that the person spoken of is SpanishFilipino.
All other half-breeds are qualified by the nationality of their parents. Thus, a Filipino with an American father or mother is called an American mestizo; with a Chinese father or mother, a Chinese mestizo; with an Indian father or mother, an Indian mestizo, and so on down the line. Common Traits. All that can be done is to pick out T—. There are, of course, exceptions to generalizations.
One patent Filipino trait that immediately commends itself to the foreigner is his hospitality. Are yoiP a stranger who has lost your way? Knock at the door of even the humblest rustic and he offers you his home. In other climes you might be suspected of being a hoodlum or a poseur. Consequently, you might be looked upon with suspicion. Call it naivete but the Filipino opens his heart to you, a complete stranger, and offers you the best in his kitchen and bed chamber.
He prepares water for your morning ablution, waits upon you at the table, and makes life worth living for you. Perhaps you happen to drop in at an unholy hour of the day or night. Sensing that you are hungry, he prepares the best food for you, ignoring the fact that there would not be enough for the next supper of his family. Meanwhile, he gives "you something to while away your time. There is always a sense of urgency in his movements, for he does not want to inconvenience you.
He makes you feel that he is honored by your invasion of his privacy at an unholy hour of the day or night. The Filipino has very close family ties. Tfce father is the head of the family, but while he rules, the mother governs. Will a new-born child be baptized? The grandparents are consulted and what they say carries much weight. Ignore them and you risk their stinging rebuke.
Is the child sick? Will you call a doctor? He has reached his rtfre old age without having known a doctor. Do you think you can reach his age? No, he will not allow his beloved grandchild to be touched, by the midico! You wring your hands in sheer frustration, appeal to him in the name of modem science — and get a stem look or a verbal dressing down for your efforts.
The Filipino parent exercises almost absolute powers over the children. The particle pd may look innocent to you, but that little word shows respect for another. Are you speaking to an older man or woman? Then use the second person plural — kay6, inyd or ninyo.
You are branded disrespectful and impolite if you use the second person singular: ka, mo, or ikaw. Is the person you are talking with of your age but a stranger to you? It is a sign of good breeding. Next in the degree of respect is the use of the first person plural: at in, natin, tayo. Here the speaker and the person spoken to are lumped together and made to appear as one.
The peak of respect is achieved by the use of the third person plural: sild, nild, kanild. The elders believe, and demand, that they be obeyed — right or wrong. Yours is the knowledge; theirs the wisdom — they have drunk more water than you have!
There is, then, collective responsibility in the family. It is this closeness of family ties, in particular, the collective responsibility, that accounts for the late development of Filipino nationalism.
For no matter how cruelly and unjustly a member of the family had been treated, the elders cautioned the victim to be patient: remember, they used to say, that not only you but all of us will suffer if you retaliate. Respect for the elders includes respect for the elder brother or sister.
It is the responsibility of the elder brother to perform the duties of the father and mother to the younger members of the family. One finds that among Filipino families the elder brother or sister sacrifices even his career for the sake of the young ones who must have an education. Even after his marriage, the elder brother sets aside a small part of his salary for his younger brothers and sisters.
The latter, in turn, are expected to look up to their elder brother with awe and respect. Kissing the hands of parents and old relatives or neighbors as a sign of respect is extended to the elder brother or sister. And this brings us to that aspect of Filipino family life which is both reasonable and unreasonable. It is not uncommon to see the poor relations go to their employed kin to ask for money. Right or wrong, the family comes first and foremost. The Filipino is naturally fatalistic.
He believes that whatever happens to him is the work of Fate. Bahala na. Are you sure you can convince him to give up his plan of leaving home? He is big and strong; can you fight him? Such fatalism has bred in the Filipino a sense of resignation. It is thus that he faces disaster or tragedy with resignation. He appears indifferent in the face of graft and corruption.
He appears impassive in the face of personal misfortune. Loyalty to a friend or to a benefactor is one trait that is very strong in the Filipino. Maintaining that he, as soldier or as civilian during the last World War, fought side by side with the Yankee, the Filipino believes, rightly or wrongly, that he deserves more generous aid from the United States than, say, the Japanese, who was a former common enemy.
The American is ruthlessly businesslike and will not allow sentimentalism to stand in the way of fulfilling his destiny or objective. Hence the continued misunderstanding between the Filipino and the American with respect to material aid. The American, then, suspects that the Filipino is sensitive. He is. He would not tolerate anyone berating his countryman.
It takes skillful diplomacy, tact, or, in more sophisticated language, a great deal of good public relations, to talk to an erring Filipino employee or worker, for a good-intentioned rebuke by a superior might be taken as a slight on his character or integrity. But the Filipino school boys and girls took it as an insult, and forthwith the whole class called a meeting at a store nearby and then and there decided to call a strike.
The American teacher was pictured as a monster — particularly because she was not good looking — and ugly words flew thick and fast. The school premises were immediately picketed, and soon the students from other high schools in Manila left their classes to join the strike.
The strikers demand the expulsion of the American teacher. Similar incidents happened twice in the University of the Philippines a year or two before and in The result was student furor, which led to the separation of the lady professor from the University.
That was enough. The students and some professors let loose a barrage of verbal fireworks which forced the eminent professor to resign. Yet this Australian professor was an admirer of the Filipinos and the writers of the University worshipped him like an ancient anito The Anglo-Saxon frankness is something the Filipino seldom appreciates.
Rizal explained this tendency as the result of the tropical climate which makes even the Westerner indolent in these parts of Paradise. But aside from the warm climate, indolence may be partly explained by the abundance with which Nature has endowed the country — a fact which makes the Filipino exert less effort in the belief that he does not have to work hard to make both ends meet.
Then, too, because of the close family and personal ties, the Filipino is assured of three square meals every day if only he would have the nerve — he usually has — to go from one relative to another. He knows that no relative or friend would turn him out and so he imposes himself on his willing or unwilling victims. The experiences of college and university professors reveal the sad fact that the average Filipino student has to be hammered and whipped into line in order to make him work hard.
So afraid is the businessman of competition that he refuses to invest a huge sum in his business venture. Xuinoenario deraocratico. Manuel L. Quezon taking his oath of office as first President of the Commonwealth, 15 November Jose P. Laurel, President of the Second Philippine Republic, Courtesy Jose P. President Manuel A. Roxas middle signing the independence document, July 4, President Elpidio Quirino continued the task of rebuilding war-tom Philippines.
He is one of the architects of contemporary Philippine progress. Secretary of National Defense Ramon Magsaysay in one of his numerous inspection trips to rural areas during the campaign against the Huks.
Laurel and Oaro M. Recto, the great Filipino nationalists, jurists, and scholars who fought for national dignity and the preservation of the national patrimony. President Ferdinand E. This is the research Institute that produced the now famous IR Imelda R. Marcos, the First Lady, visits a hospital. Funeral of Benigno S.
Aquino, Jr. People Power confronting military tanks. Aquino taking oath of office as 7th President of the Philippines, February 25, But like the rest of the earlier violence, the incidents were neutralized. Back to Tradition In the late 19th century, the tribal groups had, to a certain extent joined the revolutionary movement against colonialism. In Luzon, this type of reaction was represented by the Igorot armed struggle until the end of Spanish rule.
In Mindanao, the Manobos joined the Muslim response to Spanish foothold by providing assistance to political leaders in need of support. But the American entry into the archipelago neutralized whatever violent reaction the tribal groups had against colonial rule. The tribal communities in Luzon were won over by American Episcopal missionaries, and later, by medical missions and schools.
The same was true in the Visayas, particulary in Negros and Iloilo, where Presbyterian missions contributed to health and sanitation and education at the grassroots level. In the Mindanao area, the work of pacification was also undertaken by American laymen, enterpreneurs, and teachers, particularly during the period of the Moro Province from to The Lunds and Lamassons in the Subanun country of Zamboanga opened the socio-economic potentials of the area.
Coconuts were introduced in Lapuyan and other areas to improve agricultural income. The Subanun Affair, The only violent disturbance reported in Mindanao was in among the Subanons.
Elarth and about eight to nine hundred Subanuns and Moros. He declared that the sea would cover all the lands except the highest peaks and all who would not seek refuge in the sacred mountains would drown and die. The people were advised not to take along any possession except what they needed for their journey to the mountains from where they would be taken to heaven.
The authorities were alarmed by the abandonment of homes, properties, and farms as it might just be one of the tricks of bad elements to deprive the Subanuns of their valuables and harvests. The headman was ordered to stop the movement and his deputy, name Torot, was ordered to proceed to the mountains to get full information on the affair. He also reported being stopped by about 30 men and was taken to their two leaders, Romualdo and Islao.
When the people were told that the Constabulary troops were coming, there was tension and near panic in the camps. Some Subanuns prepared to run away. Later, they were prevailed upon by about thirty moros among them to remain and to take their spears and lances. With the information. On November 28, at about p. Elarth started talks with the leaders, appealing to them to lay down their weapons and arms.
The band obeyed and their spears and lances were confiscated but the ordinary bolos were returned. Rice and money were given to the band. Upon reaching the camp, the Subanuns scampered to the bushes.
Headman Torot was ordered to contact the leaders for talks. Six of them came out to give information. Then the troops took positions nearby, trying to persuade the people to abandon their activities. But the Moros and Visayans among them, about 40 to 50, started to agitate the Subanuns.
Soon about a thousand were out with their spears and lances. The message was clear that a fight was eminent. There was no doubt that the Moros would lead the charge. An appeal to lay down their arms was foiled by a big Moro who was apparently the leader.
At his shout, the spears and lances were hurled and the Moros attacked the troops. After the fight, six constabulary, one policeman and four cargadores were killed. On the other side, 20 to 40 were killed, mainly Moros. Elarth was saved from a Moro spear by Sgt. Bernardo Aimes who shielded him from the thrust and died. Literature of Resistance While the elite was coopted by colonialism thus giving to the masses the mantle of revolution and armed resistance, there were those among the ilustrados who contributed intellectually to the revolutionary cause despite the passage of the Sedition.
Act of which punished any form of agitation or sedition, including through the printed page or the theatre. Tagalog writers expressed resistance through the zarzuela which was a popular form of entertainment during the Spanish period.
Dramas were also effectively used in, attacking American colonialism. But he was later acquitted by the Supreme Court to which the case was elevated after a tedious trial. Not cowed by the punishment, Abad continued to write seditious plays including Isang Punlo ng Kaaway.
His nationalistic play Kahapony Ngay on at Bukas indicted American rule and predicated the outbreak of violent Filipino resistance to further American intrusion. Tolentino meant to infect the rest of the country with the virus of nationalism and his play was translated into Pampango and Bikol.
The play was also shown in various theatres in the country, especially in Manila, thus getting the ire of the American authorities. In , Tolentino was arrested and tried for sedition and was given the maximum sentence of life imprisonment.
Although his term was reduced subsequently to fifteen, and then to eight, it was not until that he was pardoned by Governor William C.
The literature of resistance was not limited to dramatists and playwrights. Those of the elite or ilustrados who figured in this type of resistance were Jaime C. El Nuevo Dia, which was founded by Osmena, was known for its nationalistic fervor. De Veyra and Palma were regular contributors. The same was true of the El Renacimiento which was founded by Palma. The paper exposed American anomalies and abuses in the government. The most famous of the cases was that of Interior Secretary Dean C.
This prospect became quite clear when the American colonial authorities repeatedly offered opportunities for Filipino cooperation and participation in the colonial government. In fact, the encouragement from the colonial officials was irresistible to the Filipino elite, especially the ilustrados, whose role in the 19th century revolutionary movement throughout the archipelago, had been marked by readiness to compromise with colonialism.
They did not find it inconsistent at all to extend cooperation, first, to Spanish rule, and, now, to the American colonial venture. Involvement During the Military Phase, In , the Schurman Commission, the first significant body created by President McKinley, with Jacob Schurman, President of Cornell University, as head, initiated the non-military approach of American colonialism and succeeded, after several months, in laying down the foundation of a subtle conquest of the Philippines through the cooperation of the Filipino elite.
The Christian Filipinos a. The landowning class and the ilustrados decided, upon the entry of the United States in the islands, to cooperate with the American colonialists. Efforts were exerted to contact the American authorities in the Visayas in order that they could consider the desire of the Negros elite to make the island under effective American control.
But it was not until late in February that a committee of prominent landowners from Negros were welcomed by the military government under Gen. Otis who, subsequently, on March 1,, created the Visayan Military district with Gen. James F. Smith as Governor of Negros. As noted earlier, the armed disturbances in the Visayas, including Negros, were now definitely led by those who came from below, and the colonial government and the Filipino elite found the suppression of the disturbances not only costly but also difficult.
The elite were particuarly plagued by attacks on their properties and lands. But the conflict only drew the elite closer to colonialism. The same pattern of collaboration and compromise also was evident in Luzon. Even with the outbreak of Filipino-American hostilities in February , the peaceful process of pacification was focused on the formation of local governments as fast as the areas were pacified and placed under American control. Thus, by , the American colonial government could disclose the pacification of the islands and the establishment of the civil government except in the Muslim South where civil rule would not be formed until the abolition of the military-governed Moro Province in The pattern of municipal organization was guided by a plan formulated by a Committee headed by Chief Justice Cayetano Arellano of the Supreme Court.
In the Central Government The most important manifestation of American cooperation of the elite was in the national level of administration. The involvement of the Filipino elite in this level was represented by those who were appointed as members of the Philippine Commission which performed executive and legislative powers and functions. Examples were Gregorio Araneta and Benito Legarda. It was in the judiciary where the Filipino elite was given substantial role in the person of Cayetano Arellano who was appointed Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.
Justice Arellano, a professor of law of Santo Tomas and top practising lawyer, was clear about his inclination and conviction. He believed in the sovereignty of the United States over the Philippines.
Why the Elite The question that often recurs is why the Americans easily coopted the elite for colonial purposes and why the elite had no difficulty in shifting loyalty from Filipino to American rule. First was the natural fear of losing the security of their interests because of the growing demand of the masses for the redistribution of economic benefits and resources. There was still the reluctance to part with elite privileges in a feudal set-up where those of mixed blood had advantages over the native.
The second reason is the basic orientation of the elite, which felt distrust in the integrity and character of the masses whom the elite regarded as potential trouble makers, bandits, and enemies of what they represented in society. In brief, the elite could not trust their interests and future in the hands of the masses. The remarks and opinions of Cayetano Arellano and Trinidad Pardo de Tavera were examples of their condescending attitude toward the Filipino masses similar to the way the Spanish colonizers looked at the natives.
The pro-Americanism of the elite was, to the Americans, not only encouraging but also remarkable for colonial purposes. It would not be long before the ilustrados would find the founding of the Federal Party not only a logical expression of their sentiment but also a political mechanism for helping the colonial administration in the intellectual redirection of the Filipino people. In the tribal communities, American teachers and missionaries opened the path to an understanding of American benevolent policy through schools, religious missions, and especially, medical work.
In Mindanao It was a part of the American strategy to make use of the local datus and leaders to promote the need for social services.
This was, for instance, illustrated by Datu Santiago of Cotabato and his men. The same was true of the campaign against insanitary living conditions and diseases especially those that frequently led to epidemics like cholera, dysentery, smallpox, and malaria. Local leaders, with only a few exceptions, helped by setting personal examples of hygiene and proper sanitation. Education of children was very much emphasized, especially those of the ruling class. John J. Najeeb M. Saleeby, a medical practitioner turned educator.
His knowledge of Arabic and Islam provided him with a personal touch that enabled him to win a lot of friends among the Muslim leaders, including those that were opposed to American rule like Datu Ali of Cotabato, the royalties of Sulu, and the datus of Lanao. His initial work as a medical surgeon in Malabang, Lanao provided opportunities to win the Ilanuns, a Muslim sub-ethnic group that had been associated with piratical attacks on trading vessels in the southern seas.
Consequently, his appointment as School Superintendent for the District of Mindanao and Jolo on June 1, , after a brief assignment as Assistant Chief of the Bureau of Non Christian Tribes, led to the vigorous implementation of American educational objectives in the Moro Province. At the time of his tenure, there were 52 elementary schools in the province with a total enrollment of 2, pupils, of whom were Muslims.
The schools were handled by 15 American teachers, 50 Christians and 9 Muslims. Bliss, the school enrollment had reached 4, pupils. The Muslim enrollees also grew to Charles R. Cameron, who succeeded Najeeb Saleeby as Superintendent, continued the educational program for the Muslims. Private Albert L. Burleigh of the 2nd Infantry chose to teach Tausug children in Jolo. He was killed by four Moros on his way home from school.
George Kindy, a teacher with agricultural inclination, introduced farm schools in Bukidnon as a model for agricultural education in Mindanao. One of the enduring contributions of American education in Mindanao were the subsequent studies that emerged on various aspects of development such as Frances E.
In the Cordillera In the Cordillera, the Americans were confronted by the many problems of the Filipino-American War which had brought the retreating forces of Filipinos under Aguinaldo to the traditionally hostile Ifugao country.
To outside forces, the Ifugao head-hunting activities were c onstant problems. But the pressure was not as difficult as the Spanish and Aguinaldo forces.
The Americans had impressive firepower which impressed the Ifugaos, reinforced by a practice of avoiding outright confiscation of food resources and valuables and readiness to assist in rendering speedy justice in disputes and conflict.
They demonstrated American firepower when the Ifugaos took the head of an Arr erican soldier. Then, in the conflict between two Ifugao groups Sabangan and Hapao , American guns made the difference. David P. Barrows who became the head of the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes. Only the Nagacaran Ifugaos resisted the offer and boycotted the meeting. Army officers, like Capt. Lewis Patstone in Nueva Vizcaya and Lt. By the beginning of the entry of Lt.
Jeff D. Gallman into Ifugao country saw the beginning of an era of peace among the Ifugaos and American rule set the pace and patterns for the rest of the Cordillera. Treaty Traps In Southern Philippines, Muslim leadership was already divided into those who opposed and those who accepted American presence in But the latter group, which was represented by those in Sulu, allowed American presence without necessarily accepting American sovereignty.
John C. Bates on August 20, , clearly expressed this sort of political compromise. The Sulu signatories to the treaty revealed the extent to which local Sulu leadership was involved in the American peace initiative. With Datu Kalbi and Datu Julkanain signing the document, the Patikul political leadership had been added to those who supported American rule. In the same manner, Patikul was the center of activities in the northern part. Under the treaty, the local leaders agreed to allow the Americans the freedom to trade and engage in commerce as well as the right to fly their own flag.
Likewise, the Americans agreed not to interfere in the internal affairs of the people, and in case of disputes and conflicts, to act in consultation with the local leaders, especially the Sultan. These were the general understanding and agreement guaranteed by the treaty as perceived by the local signatories.
The Tausug version of the treaty clearly substantiates this view. But the English version of the Treaty clearly provides for the establishment of American rule in Sulu and the acceptance of American sovereignty by the Sultan and the datus. The version allowed the Americans to interfere even in the resolution of disputes concerning matters related to slavery, taxes, peace and order, trade, commerce, foreign relations, except in matters pertaining to religious practices and customs.
The reaction of thu Sultan and the datus to the unilateral termination was a mixture of surprise and irritation. The treaty abrogration terminated the financial annuities the Sultan and other signatories had been receiving from the Americans since the conclusion of the agreement.
But, perhaps, more felt was the dishonor and shame the American action had brought on the Sulu leadership. The eruption of uprisings after , particularly the Hassan Revolt, was partly attributed by the Americans to the encouragement given by the Sultan. He was only allowed to exercise the rights and duties of a spiritual leader.
It would be difficult to truly exercise spiritual influence without the political authority the Sultan previously enjoyed. The stipulations of the Agreement, expressed in no uncertain terms in five paragraphs, emphasized the total sovereignty of the United States over all the territory of the Sultanate in all aspects, except in matters of religion in which the Sultan, as titular spiritual head of his people, was allowed to exercise ecclesiastical authority.
But even this exercise of spiritual or religious authority and its attendant enjoyment of religious freedom must not be in violation of the basic principles of the laws of the United States. At the same time also, the gradual rise of Filipino power over the Moros would become a reality in subsequent political developments in Moroland. Increase in Filipino Participation 1.
Not only was a new president coming in — Woodrow Wilson — but a new political orientation was expected to emerge from the change to Democratic rule. Since the turn of the century the Republican leadership had kept the conservative tradition of American policies unaltered, particularly in relation to colonial expansion.
In a sense, the establishment of American colonies, including the Philippines, was part of the expansionist inertia that came from the vigorous, westward expansion of the American colonists to the vast frontiers of Indian territories looking for new opportunities and lands until the Pacific coast of California was reached.
It was here at the littoral of the west coast that the American spirit of conquest was literally challenged by the vast ocean that lay before it.
The inertia of the westward movement was there. It only needed the mitigation of other pressures that had transformed America from a rural to an urban technological society.
Effects on Colony The Democratic Party administration, which differed to some extent from the Republican, was expected to bring some changes in American expansionist policy and direction. But the policy adopted did not altogether lead to the abandonment of the acquired territories. Possessions like the Philippines were maintained but the measure of control was somewhat modified to allow greater native participation in government and the realistic preparation for eventual independence.
In the executive branch, there was a change from an American to a Filipino majority in the Philippine Commission in and in the Council of State and the Board of Control in Furthermore, the Civil Service had become, by , seventy percent Filipino. Before , legislation was still under the dominant control of the Americans.
It was not until the Jones Law was passed in that the legislative power in the islands was given to the Filipinos. Only the veto power of the Chief Executive in a presidential. Under the Jones Law a bicameral legislature was created composed of a member Senate as the upper house and a House of Representatives as the house Chamber.
All the members of the legislature were elected except the two Senators from the non-Christian sector, who were appointed by the Governor General. While the national structure was opening up to Filipino.
The American influence was in the position of provincial treasurer which was held by Americans. Except for the general power of supervision, the municipal government was under Filipino control. In Cayetano Arellano became Chief Justice. The lower courts had both American and Filipino judges, with the latter increasingly growing in number. Limits to Filipinization 1.
Restraints of Elitism While Filipinization gained momentum under the Harrison administration, there was a fundamental limitation to the extent of its enjoyment in Filipino society. It was obvious that from the list of those who represented the Filipinos in the various levels of the bureaucracy, Filipinization involved only the upper crust of Filipino society, those who belonged to the national and local elite.
Without exception, the Filipino members of the Philippine Commission were from the landlord and capitalist families; so were those in the choice positions in the Civil Service; Even. This was insured by the limitation of the electoral choice to only qualified residents. In effect, the election law already limited participation to the elite. The elite had already demonstrated the positive role they could play and the Americans clearly saw the natural inclination of the elite to meaningful practical collaboration with the colonial power.
Not only were their traditional rights and privileges recognized but also their right to a new access to external power which they could not have acquired without compromising with the colonial power. The control of the sources of revenues and their use was enough to neutralize any adverse effects of Filipinization on American control in the colony.
The American authorities knew that aside from a superior military force, economic control is basic to political control. Thus, Filipinization, as implemented by the Democratic administration, fitted into the overall scheme of colonial rule.
It was an aid, not hindrance, to colonial compromise for as long as it could be kept within the upper crust of Filipino society.
But the moment it was extended to those who came from below, such as would occur in the s and s, Filipinization would invite the threat to American liberal democratic rule. Economic Limitation The dilemma of Filipino leadership was best seen in the economic relations with the United States during the Harrison era Until , American economic interests would be affected by the most-favored-nation treatment given to Spain for a period of ten years under the Treaty of Paris, thus preventing the enactment of any trade policy favorable to American economic interests.
But Philippine exports to the American market were governed by quotas and limited only to raw materials needed by American business. Social Effects of Filipinization 1. Tradition vs. Added to all these democratic activities was a dynamic cultural process which involved the introduction and propagation of American popular activities such as ball games, restaurants and eateries, movies, sports, and arts. In brief, the American democratic style had found a distinct place in Filipino life.
The essence of democracy had yet to be developed. Reports of petty violations of law began to create concern. These violations were noted in such activities ranging from petty thieveries to bribery of employees in government and shady financial deals. What the Americans failed to see was the fact that the Filipinos saw no contradiction between the new democratic institutions and traditional practices.
Filipinos looked back to the time as the emergence of a dynamic Filipino leadership trying to create its own democratic form. In December , after nearly eight years as President and just after his party had been decidedly defeated in the elections, Wilson made his only recommendation to Congress in favor of Philippine independence..
Harding sought to verify Filipino preparedness for independence in view of the rapid Filipinization that took place during the Harrison administration. A special investigating mission, led by two old Philippinehands- former Governor General W. Cameron Forbes and Maj Gen. Leonard Wood — was appointed to look into Philippine affairs. Wood was unlike Harrison. He took the position that the Jones Law — the organic act operating in the Philippines — could not be modified except by action of the US Congress itself, and that no subsequent legislation or executive action on the part of the Governor General or the President of the United States, working in copjunction with the Philippine Legislature, could operate to change this fundamental law.
Wood vs. Nationalistic feelings were aroused by holding up the Governor as the enemy of Philippine autonomy and independence. The open break between Wood and the Filipino leaders led by Senate President Quezon was not unexpected. Wood not only found himself unable to sympathize with the desire of the Filipino nationalists for an increasing measure of self-government, but he also opposed independence, except perhaps in the very distant future.
The American government, he explained, would not consider any extension of further autonomy until the weaknesses pointed out in the Wood-Forbes Mission Report had been corrected. In the meantime, he insisted on attempting to persuade the Filipinos to postpone the issue of independence or to forget it altogether. Quezon, in , was having trouble assuring his ascendancy among his own followers and political rivals within the Nacionalista Party. The Governor General got himself caught in the web of Filipino partisan politics and this, combined with the highly emotional issue of independence, magnified tensions with Governor Wood.
The charges were then sent to the Office of the Governor, on July 17, , and the office referred them the next day to the Mayor of Manila, Ramon J. Fernandez, for investigation. The papers were not returned by the Mayor until December The Mayor, in returning the papers to Governor Wood, made no comment other than to invite attention to the findings of the Chief of Police.
The Governor General accordingly dimissed the charges. Subsequently, the Secretary of the Interior, Jose P.
Mayor Fernandez and Secretary Laurel, expressing the belief that they had conclusive proof that Conley had been taking bribes, secured the approval of the Governor General to suspend Conley and file charges against him if they had evidence.
After a prolonged trial the court found that charges were not sustained and dismissed them. At first objecting, the Governor subsequently appointed a Committee on Investigation instructed to investigate the Manila Police Department in general.
The Chief of Police reinstated Conley, who was subsequently retired. Quezon , the Speaker of the House Manuel A. Roxas , and all the Filipino Secretaries tendered their resignations as members of the Council of State and as heads of Departments on July 17, In the first session of the Seventh Legislature in , twenty-four out of sevenjty-two bills were vetoed; and in the second session in , the Legislature passed bills, out of which 44 were vetoed.
Harrison vetoed only five measures in seven years in office. Not only did the Governor exercise liberally his power to veto bills passed by the Legislature, but he even went to the extent of altering measures already passed by the Legislature, and then affixing his signature after the alteration was made.
The Filipino leaders were also annoyed that Wood should veto bills of local interest and insisted that before the Governor General acted unfavorably on any bill, their views must first be heard. Nearly all vetoes, Wood explained, were due to serious defects or unconstitutional provisions. This delay, Wood maintained, occurred every year and often prevented desirable legislation from being approved.
Wood was convinced that the Board was illegal because the Governor General occupied a minority position in it in violation of the Organic Act which placed supreme executive control in the hands of the Governor General , and so he could never get the consent of the two Filipino members the Senate President and the House Speaker to get the government out of business.
All efforts toward amicable settlement proved futile. Wood was of a different mind - - he was convinced that the Filipinos had taken an enormous stride backward during the Harrison administration. He found v. He probably had the right prescription for the Philippines — honesty in government and a tight administration but his approach was hardly the most effective one. But so forceful a personality, so powerful a will, such devotion to results produced compelling power.
And the Filipino leaders reacted against that power of intervention in their affairs. After , Quezon exaggerated his dissatisfaction with many aspects of the administration of Governor Wood for his own political needs. Perhaps the situation in Manila would not have been what it was had Wood faced a man unlike Quezon. So he turned an otherwise trivial matter into a national issue and succeeded in setting himself up as the heroic champion of Filipino nationalism.
The Governor General unwittingly helped him by stubbornly resisting him and insisting on his rights. It also did not help that, to the Filipinos, Governor Wood was not an endearing personality. He was not simpatico. Except to his close friends, he was a very frigid personality, who for the most part wore the look of seriousness, if not severity.
Though at bottom there was, indeed, much politics in the confrontation between Wood and the Filipino leaders, that was certainly not all of it. A serious bone of contention between Wood and the Filipino leaders was; of course, the issue of independence. He possessed an exalted vision of the future of the Philippines and was baffled that the Filipino leaders did not have the same consuming passion as he had for devotion to duty, service to country, and the highest ideals of public morality.
It was even more unreal to expect that the Filipinos would elect self-government under foreign tutelage in preference to complete independence. Yet it would be unfair to say that Governor Wood reversed the movement towards autonomy. He could not have done so — for while he wanted a modification of the Jones Law, he could only recommend such action.
Congress had the prerogative of taking action, and did not do so. So Wood, in running the government, was also limited by the Jones Law. Governor Wood stressed the need for economic development as a prerequisite to a stable government which in turn was a prerequisite to independence and favored attracting foreign, or specifically, American, capital to develop the country.
Despite his shortcomings of body and mind, few would deny that Governor Wood was an able and devoted administrator. He worked hard and he knew the Philippines as few knew the country. Though Filipino leaders resented his unbending refusal to accede to their many efforts to undermine American control of the executive branch as Harrison had allowed them to, they recognized sincerity and honesty and had a high respect for his administrative ability.
Wood governed the Philippines after without any serious disruptions to governmental functions, in spite of the publicly avowed Filipino policy of non-cooperation. The Administration of Henry L. Stimson: Cooperation Restored Henry L. Stimson was inaugurated Governor General of the Philippines on March 1, Stimson consciously followed a different path. He seemed better able to understand the uses of power in dealing with dependent peoples.
Thus, he was willing to compromise to win the confidence of the Filipino leaders. At the same time, he was firm in asserting his rights as Chief Executive.
Stimson had only one year in the Philippines, but this year was generally characterized by very cordial relations between the Filipino and American elements in government and society. In fact, the first complete Cabinet since July was named. Philippine land laws, for instance, were not amended to allow for large landholdings.
Davis , Theodore Roosevelt, Jr. The leaders of Philippine independence were given the freedom and the means to articulate their nationalist feelings, and in so doing won for themselves a following and national prominence.
It likewise brought into focus the sometimes uncertain steps taken by the Filipino leadership to articulate and accept the concept of an independent Filipino nation. Political leaders vied with one another to demonstrate the intensity of their advocacy of independence. Nevertheless each side was afforded the opportunity to formulate policy as they openly discussed the issue of Philippine independence.
The promise contained in the preamble of the Jones Law provided impetus to the rising tide of Filipino aspirations for immediate independence. Books Video icon An illustration of two cells of a film strip. Video Audio icon An illustration of an audio speaker. Audio Software icon An illustration of a 3. Software Images icon An illustration of two photographs.
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A short history of the Philippines. Ang Pilipinas at ang mga Pilipino: noon at ngayon. The revolt of the masses: the story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan. Malolos: the crisis of the republic. Filipino nationalism, Malolos: the crisis of the Republic. Prelude to Tagalog periodical literature. Philippine history.
Pilipinas kong mahal: isang kasaysayan. Bahaghari't bulalakaw: katipunan ng mga sanaysay at mga pag-aaral. Talking history: conversations with Teodoro Andal Agoncillo. Places Philippines , Katipunan. People Andres Bonifacio , Jorge B. Vargas , Jose P. Laurel , Teodoro A. Agoncillo , president of the philippines. Time Revolution, , , , , , Insurrection, , Japanese occupation, , Philippine American War,
Metropolitan Museum Cleveland Museum of Art. Internet Arcade Console Living Room. Books to Borrow Open Library. Search the Wayback Machine Search icon An illustration of a magnifying glass. Sign up for free Log in. History of the Filipino people Item Preview. EMBED for wordpress.
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There are no reviews yet. Be the first one to write a review. September 6, History. History of the Filipino people. Borrow Listen. The fateful years: Japan's adventure in the Philippines, Not in Library. Kasaysayan ng bayang Pilipino. Introduction to Filipino history.
A short history of the Philippines. Ang Pilipinas at ang mga Pilipino: noon at ngayon. The revolt of the masses: the story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan. Malolos: the crisis of the republic.
Filipino nationalism, Malolos: the crisis of the Republic. Prelude to Tagalog periodical literature. Philippine history. Pilipinas kong mahal: isang kasaysayan. Bahaghari't bulalakaw: katipunan ng mga sanaysay at mga pag-aaral.
Web[PDF] History of the Filipino People (Agoncillo) - Free Download PDF Home History of the Filipino People (Agoncillo) History of the Filipino People (Agoncillo) Click the start . WebSep 6, · History of the Filipino people by Teodoro A. Agoncillo First published in 4 editions in 1 language — 1 previewable Borrow Listen The fateful years: Japan's . WebJun 5, · History Of The Filipino People by Teodoro Agoncillo Topics Philippine History, Teodoro Agoncillo Collection opensource Language English Comprehensive .